Chapter XXIX

Newspaper Rivalry (1891-2)

When proposals came from the Gray family (chief owners of the Freeman) for an amalgamation with the National Press we grudgingly accepted them. The merger had to be sanctioned by the shareholders of each company, and scenes at the meetings were continuous. One gathering was so crowded that the floor of a room in the Imperial Hotel, Dublin, gave way, and we had to resort to the Ancient Concert Rooms. A triangular fight - with incidentals - is described in letters to my brother:

Dublin,
6th December, 1891.
"I understand Dillon's idea is to amalgamate the papers, with a board including William O'Brien. Both papers cannot live, and ours would require more capital to carry on. We cannot get the advertisements that the Freeman has, and without them cannot prosper. Alter a while the Freeman would die, but we should have to live and spend until then. I am, therefore, disposed to accept terms which I outlined to Dillon.

We don't intend, however, to make any further move towards compromise, leaving it to them to do so. My libel action is a dose of poison to the Freeman. O'Brien told Chance when he was released from jail that it should be settled by an apology. They would be willing to pay me £500 and costs, but I will not take it. God knows they have done me more injury financially."

Dillon called on Harrington the day Parnell died in the vain hope of persuading him and his friends to rejoin the party. He at the same time commenced an intensive campaign to gain control of the Freeman, in which he hadn't a shilling invested (nor in the National Press). He had the power of making mischief for us with Parnell's late followers, and therefore had to be handled tenderly.

I wrote Maurice:

Dublin,
11th December, 1891.
"Dillon wrote asking me to call on him last night, and I did so. He though the Freeman should not be driven to desperation, and therefore into hostility open or secret, to the Party. This is a position natural enough to a man of his temperament, and O'Brien is still stronger for the Freeman. Dillon is opposed to having two papers and cannot see what would be lost, except on the mere question of nomenclature, if we got the control of the Freeman with our staff and a majority of the directors.

Apart from the sentimental aspect there is much to be said for this view. I should prefer if we could support the line you recommend, but how can we? Dillon had no mandate from Gray to make proposals, and would not do anything which would give Gray a grip on the situation. I therefore told him, with great reluctance, that I would not in principle oppose the idea.

From a commercial point of view the name of the Freeman's Journal is one to be preserved. because it has an advertising connection; but when we put a prize crew aboard and hoist our flag at the peak, and append our additions to its title, I hardly see that there is much to be objected against amalgamation. All the people want is a paper."

Dublin,
12th January, 1892.
"The Parnellites can give trouble and cause expenditure in many places, and will succeed probably in electing a dozen members. Buying them off and sparing the country distraction and disorder would be cheaper, not to speak of the scandal to be spared. This is working mischief amongst the electorate in Great Britain. They would then be bound to accept the best Home Rule Bill we could secure. If one was passed in spite of them without reunion, it would make subsequent friction and discontent inevitable, while a settlement would be a blow to the secret societies and the Tories. I am, therefore, disposed to favour some compromise. Of course, there are a number of our fellows who would oppose this, but these are not the men who would have either the burden or the odium of the fight. This may make their judgment more impartial on the necessity for a conflict to the death, but their voices could not compel me to take up a line of battle for the benefit of their opinions.

The attitude of Dillon and O'Brien towards the National Press is also an element. They did not consult us about their treaty with Gray, nor care how it affected our interests. I saw Dillon on Friday and suggestions passed on which he is to give me a reply to-morrow, but if the Parnellites are anxious for our co-operation it might change things."

The obstacle in Dillon's way in his negotiations with the Freeman was its libel that I had taken money from the Government to betray Canon McFadden and other clients. Feelers for settlement with me were thrown out, and to my father I wrote:

Dublin,
31st January, 1892.
"John Roche, Q.C. [Freeman Director], proposed yesterday through MacDermott, Q.C., to settle my action against the Freeman by arbitration. My counsel have recommended me to accept this, and though I am not in love with the idea, still the worry of a second trial the risk of an enemy on the jury, and the chances of an early Dissolution about March, have induced me to agree to the proposal. If you entertain a feeling that this would be a mistake, from the way the public would look at it, I would not do so. A second disagreement would be unpleasant, and the thing will be stale enough at a second trial, although the injury done me will be for myself always fresh, and no money or apology can remove it."

The Lord-Lieutenant reluctantly accepted this counsel. Of the five daily papers then printed in Dublin, two were Conservative (the Irish Times and Express), three represented various shades of national opinion (the Independent, Freeman, and Nation). The last three were hostile to the Government. Next morning Lord Cadogan sent out early for all these journals. He examined them feverishly, but not one of them contained a hint of the alleged scandal. Throwing down the last sheet, he exclaimed to his Countess, "This is a nation of gentlemen!" Yet a Coercion Act was in force, and reprisals are not unknown in politics. Still, he did not resign. On 24th October, 1902, Lord Cadogan, on taking up residence at Culford, Suffolk, addressing his tenants, said "he would always gratefully remember his years in Ireland, for he believed so generous, kind, and warm-hearted people could not be found elsewhere."

To return to the events which absorbed us-the amalgamation of the rival newspapers - I continued to write frequently to my brother:

Dublin,
21st March, 1892.
"An interview with Gray shows that only dire necessity compelled them to stable horses with us. Gray refused to co-opt us as directors until our paper was stopped. I told him point-blank I would break the arrangement on that. Then he yielded, and said he would co-opt, if we fixed a day for the stoppage. I said Saturday, as we have called a meeting of our shareholders for Thursday. While not daring to throw away the chance of saving their property from wreck, they feel the humiliation."

Dublin,
23rd March, 1892.
"The Directors were to have met at 2.30 p.m. to sign the document of amalgamation. At 2 p.m. a message came that we were wanted at the Archbishop's, and we went up.

Gray and O'Conor arrived, and wanted an additional 5 per cent. on the Debentures if they didn't get cash. They complain like schoolboys to the Archbishop, who acts well and firmly. They don't know where they are, or what the documents amount to.

The Lord only knows what they will start next. Our idea is to get co-opted on Friday on the Freeman, and stop publication of the National Press on Saturday.

Dublin,
27th March, 1892.
"Mrs. O'Conor's lawyer wanted everything ripped up and changes made.

This "sinks into the infinite azure of the past" as compared with a Dillon incident. William Murphy opposed my offer of the joint Freeman chairmanship to Dillon. If we had not been so anxious to be generous to men whom it is impossible to satisfy, the right thing would be to give Morrogh the chair. We should then have someone to represent the Southern shareholders, and from a business point of view, such an arrangement is preferable."

Dublin.
31st March, 1892.
"Last night Murphy, who says he "would not have gone through the last two days again for any consideration," agreed, lest the former agreements should be informal, to sign a fresh agreement which gives the National Press Debentures direct, another pledge, at the personal risk of himself, myself, Dickson, Morrogh and Barry, to Mrs. O'Conor to acquire her shares. Gray did not approve, but his mother and the stepfather were anxious to carry out the bargain.

The transfer of shares to the Archbishop was in Clay's keeping. He acted splendidly. Meredith (Q.C.), as counsel for the Grays, insisted on the bargain being stuck to, but at 11 this morning we were still in uncertainty. For further assurance we brought down the Archbishop (via Chance on a car) lest the transaction should be declared illegal."

Dublin,
April, 1892.
"Murphy has been suffering agonies. The supposed infirmity in the first agreement was that, while we had power to sell for shares, we had no power to sell for shares which might in a given contingency not reach us, as the Freeman shareholders might refuse to sanction the arrangement. We are thus under a serious financial burden, but anything rather than a hitch."

Mrs. O'Conor now demanded the personal guarantee of responsible members of the National Press Board to buy her shares in case there should be a failure to convert them into debentures to the value of £36,000. It was a risk, as we knew the Parnellite shareholders were threatening Chancery proceedings. However, five of us signed this guarantee.

Alderman Kernan, a large holder of Freeman shares, now took proceedings to upset the amalgamation, and I wrote:

Dublin,
5th May, 1892.
"In Kernan's action the Master of the Rolls has decided that we were not validly co-opted on the Freeman Board. Accordingly, we propose to call the shareholders together for two purposes; first to approve of the agreements; and, second, to elect directors."

Dublin,
6th May, 1892.
"Captain O'Conor only wants to get his money and live peaceably with mankind. To-day he had a long sitting with the Archbishop, and was determined not to allow Gray to influence him. His refusal to act with Gray saved annoyance."

A General Election was now at hand, and amidst the legal difficulties as to the Freeman, we had a dissolution to face, embarrassed by divided counsels amongst the leaders of our Party. While I was in Longford I was selected by a Convention in North Louth for the vacancy there. This was done without my knowledge or consent, and I had no fancy for such a fight as I knew Phil Callan would make. My victory there exposed me to many subsequent heavy contests. I wrote my brother:

Dublin,
19th May, 1892.
"The country is doing splendidly. I must fight North Louth. We had a fine display in Kilkenny, and there is no doubt there.

I have a bet with Dillon of £10 that the Parnellites will not get eight seats, He said they would win 12, and haply they may win nine.

We are pushed for men for Roscommon North, and West Clare, but everywhere else is provided for.

If we had money we should be all right. Curran, of Australia, is lending £5,000, but we want £10,000.

I refused to attend the conferences about the Freeman, and told Murphy I would agree to anything he accepted.

Davitt is acting as chief pacificator in the Freeman racket. The account of the scene at the Federation meeting in the Rotunda gives no idea of what took place. The people cheered my name for nearly five minutes, and hissed Dillon's.

Father Behan crossed the street to tell me that whatever we agreed on, they would fire out our opponents as soon as the shareholders got the shares into their hands.

Captain O'Conor behaved well. He said to Murphy that he would act with us as far as possible in the board room. Mrs. O'Connor also spoke graciously."

American-Irishmen then intervened, to try to heal the split caused by the Parnellites, and I wrote Maurice:

Dublin,
4th June, 1892,
"P. A. Collins is disgusted with Redmond, but Harrington inclines to be reasonable, Redmond believes he will carry 15 seats. Harrington doesn't share this hope.

Dillon has gone to the Bradford Convention of the English Liberal League to-day.

Davitt is getting me to run Diamond for North Monaghan, to T.P.'s disgust. McCarthy has recommended Florence O'Driscoll for South Monaghan. I am trying to get the Monaghan people to take both."

Dr. Donnelly, Bishop of Clogher, had written me for the names of two candidates; and Davitt pressed me to recommend Diamond as one. In the Committee of Selection he knew that Dillon and O'Brien would object; so, when both were absent, Diamond was proposed. My acquiescence in this device further estranged for the time two other powerful colleagues. Davitt also pressed for a printer named Austin; and I thought him entitled to have his friends elected.

Dublin,
22nd June, 1892.
"I don't like standing for North Louth, and have not seen anyone who was at the convention there.

We had a splendid Convention in Longford, and I mean to stand again there. I will bring before the Selection Committee what you say about concentrating on the boroughs, but every man has so much to attend to that there will be little concentration. It will be every man for himself."

Dublin,
25th June, 1892.
"I did not see T.D.'s speech about the "onset" on me. It was organized carefully. but I was not struck. I need not bother you about North Longford, where all the people are with me.

I am not hopeful about T.D.'s seat in Dublin. He has lots of friends, but little organization, and the mob is ferocious.

Elsewhere, except in Waterford, the Parnellites will be smashed, and this is enough to console us for Dublin.

Funds are needed, as the Evicted Tenants have been given all we had.

You need not be nervous about me. Since the row the other night, the police are lurking in my rear! It is an amusing country."

Dublin,
28th June, 1892.
"Archbishop Croke is in Queenstown, and I wish you would see William O'Brien and get him to ask His Grace for the £600 or £700 that he has for contests, or in the alternative to join us in signing a guarantee to a bank for £500 apiece. . .

I am almost in despair. If Dr. Croke's £600 or £700 be given this would be a great help. I shall have a hard fight in Louth, as the Parnellites have united with Callan, and he will poll all the Tories. Dundalk's "anti-Parnellism" was pro-Callanism. My first meeting there is on Sunday. They subscribed £60 in Dundalk to-day for the fight, but if Callan works by rowdyism it will be the nastiest fight in Ireland.

There is no prospect in Dublin for T. D. Sullivan. The blackguardism in the Press is bad. I never saw anything worse than the attack on myself on Thursday night. My life would not have been worth a moment's purchase if they could have got a few yards nearer me. The driver of our car was in league with them.

One ruffian stopped the horse, but our men struck out, and the car rolled over the fellow. You are having a lively time, too."

Thomas Curran, an hotel-keeper in Sydney (New South Wales), came to our rescue by lending £10,000 without security. Although he was repaid, his generosity deserves remembrance. He was a man by no means sentimentally moulded. When I learnt to know him I thought him of the type least likely to make a sacrifice. We put his son (then a law student in London) up for the City of Kilkenny, and himself for Sligo, and both were elected. I wrote my brother:

Dublin,
29th June, 1892.
"It is essential that we carry young Curran, if only in gratitude to his father, whose first £5,000 reached us to-day. This is an enormous ease to our minds. To-night a cable arrived from Eugene Kelly addressed either to Dr. Croke or Justin McCarthy, promising £5,000 more on Saturday. You might, therefore, call and inform Dr. Croke of this, and say nothing about the proposed guarantee, which will be now unnecessary. We should be glad to accept His Grace's promise of an advance from the local fund he has for the Tipperary contests.

Allowing for defeat in North Fermanagh and West Belfast, Derry City will be the pivot of the Ulster Home Rule majority. A number of Scotch and English shipwrights have been paid off there owing to the failure of a local shipyard, and they are leaving for home. I hope this will make McCarthy's seat safe. South Dublin and Stephen's Green will go to the Tories.

I had arranged to be in Galway to-day, but was obliged to alter this and attend Crossmaglen Fair, which takes in Louth, Armagh, and South Monaghan. We had a glorious meeting. I drove from Dundalk. Callan was at the station, but he had none of his threatened rowdies, and we drove through the town without a groan, and had a wonderful reception.

We have organized a meeting for Sunday against Callan, who has been uttering threats. Yesterday, passing in the train to Rostrevor, he told the reporter then with me all the fearful things that would happen. Carlingford, which was against him in 1885, is now Parnellite, and, therefore, Callanite."

During the North Louth contest we learnt of the defeat of Sexton and of McCarthy in Belfast and Derry. I gave my seat in Longford to McCarthy; but, as O'Brien had a double return, I complained to Maurice of the failure to find a seat for Sexton, who had been beaten in West Belfast.

Imperial Hotel, Dundalk,
8th July, 1892.
"I am surprised I didn't hear from you why Sexton was not put up for O'Brien's second seat. I wired you yesterday as to this. Now, when we have three defeated men to provide for, it is all the more regrettable Sexton was not nominated. I wired Justin McCarthy to-night that I would have him put up for my seat in Longford on Monday, and he replied thanking me and accepting; so I will go up to Dublin on Sunday night and next day to Granard for McCarthy's nomination.

I shall beat Callan here by a thousand votes, It is evident Gladstone is not going to sweep the decks, but I think it is equally certain that the Tories will not have a majority. If what is occurring now had happened in '85 it would have suited us to a T. I got a slight crack of a stick on the knee to-day in the town of Louth, where Callan beat up rowdies at the fair this morning. I was on a car driving away, but I jumped off and ran after the ruffian and knocked him down with a big stick I am carrying. Only that the police interfered, however, I should have been smashed to bits by others of the gang, who came to his rescue. I lost my spectacles in the row, but I had ample value for them. Except a bruise on the finger, I escaped scatheless.

It is sad to think of T.D.S. being defeated in Dublin after his life of public service.

As Sexton has lost West Belfast, William Murphy wired Father O'Leary to nominate him instead of Barry for South Cork, if Barry would consent."

Ultimately the candidate selected for West Kerry, George MacSwiney, withdrew in Sexton's favour, thanks to the pressure of John Hooper, M.P., his former employer on the Cork Herald. MacSwiney, who spent several days with Sexton in the constituency, brought back word to Hooper that Sexton's dislike of me was due to my praise of his speeches - which he thought insincere flattery! This proof of Sexton's modesty surprised me, as he invariably spoke well and deserved any praise I could shower on him - at least until then.

The Tories, after being in power since 1886, lost the General Election of 1892. They remained, however, in office to meet Parliament.

Before the House assembled I wrote my brother:

Howth,
August, 1892.
"I received a letter yesterday from Justin McCarthy asking me was I aware of the "movement" to have Dillon again proposed as chairman on Thursday when the Party meets. He is anxious that there should be no scandal in front of the new members by such an incident.

I don't credit the idea that Dillon will again attempt a move, but his vanity is so colossal that it is impossible to forecast what he would do. Sexton, being now more "in" with them, leaves McCarthy in the dark as to what is in progress. Davitt is in Sexton's confidence, but I have no idea as to his thoughts on the chairmanship.

It is important that we should try to get something like a sensible "Committee" of the Party elected. You would be unwise to stay away, and I shall go by the mail on Wednesday night to London. . .

We shall get a Home Rule Bill which will have first place, but are also to have Registration of Voters; "one man, one vote," and a Budget altering the incidence of Income Tax and Death Duties, and taxing ground rents, Harcourt is very hot on an advanced Radical programme, including a Labourers Bill and Parish Councils."